22 June 2016

Racing

CALM RIDE PREVAILS ON STORM

Lisa Staples did everything right in landing Dusty Storm a winner at Belmont yesterday in the first race (1300m).
Originally from barrier one the petite blonde rider planned to lead but when General Husson (Troy Turner) and Speed Bandit (Natasha Faithfull) came across to surge forward early the former Swedish jockey was happy to yield to that duo.
“Troy’s horse was pulling so I was happy to sit,” she said.
Staples closeted her mount in behind the leader waiting for the right moment to use the cut away rail to her advantage in the home straight.
That is precisely what happened, although momentarily Turner’s mount also looked like rolling on her as she pushed up on the inside. However, General Husson was straightened by Turner and  the pair fought out a spirited duel.
But at the post Dusty Storm was clearly going the better while the fast finishing Royal Missile (Peter Knuckey) edged General Husson out of second place.
Trainer Paul Jordan said Staples who does the track work on the horse had replaced regular rider Ryan (Boy ) Hill currently in England, after a short suspension. “Lisa has been a good rider at provincial meetings, and is better looking than that other Staples,” (her jockey husband, Craig, who also rides for the trainer).
Jordan’s comments are backed up by the statistics. Of her 48 winning rides this season, (at an 11 per cent strike rate) 43 have been on provincial tracks.
Doubles
Senior riders Pat Carbery and William Pike both had winning doubles at the mid week fixture.
Carbery was successful aboard Atlantic Blue and Patrimonio while Pike closed in on Paul Harvey’s record of 116.5 metropolitan wins in a season, scoring on Entrechat and Angelic Angel, respectively.
Pike needs only two more wins, to establish that new record, in what appears a fait accompli, given that the current season does not finish before the end of July.

20 June 2016



Racing
UPBEAT ABOUT UPTOWN

Trainer Justine Erkelens and jockey Shaun O’Donnell continued their good recent form together when Uptown Funk made it three wins from her last four starts, at Belmont yesterday.
In an arrogant ride, by O’Donnell, the filly overpowered favourite, and pacemaker, Beaucount, in the last stride to win the fifth race, (1200m) by a short head. Kentucky Lass was third.
Erkelens did not race Uptown Funk as a two year old but as a three year old the filly, described as ‘naughty’ by the trainer, has really run into good form.
O’Donnell said he was in two minds on the home turn whether to stay on the inside or switch to the outside before deciding on the latter. “If she had got held up she would have been beaten. “It is knowing what you have got under you,” he said.
O’Donnell said the filly was a real grinder and he expected her to appreciate more ground and progress further.
In a week when the mercurial rider said good bye to champion Luckygray (retired), his favourite galloper, O’Donnell said he still got a buzz from winning for new owners as well as for trainers like Erkelens, with whom he has had a long association. “I was riding for Justine when she had a couple of camels running around. She has been loyal to me and I have been to her.”
Erkelens has had five winners this month, on city and provincial tracks, including doubles at Northam and Belmont with O’Donnell on four of them.
One of Ekelens other riders, Peter Knuckey finished the day ‘with a wet sail,’ by landing a double in the last two races with Our Finest Moment and Bonnie Zara, respectively.
Knuckey ignored instructions, to get off the fence as soon as possible, aboard the Raquel Mills trained Our Finest Moment. Having drawn barrier one Knuckey’s previous knowledge of ultimate runner-up, Muskets At Dawn, was instrumental in the win.
Knuckey knew he would lay off the rails, around the turn, and when he did the jockey pushed Our Finest Moment along the fence to victory.
In the last race, in a three way thriller, Knuckey on Bonny Zara just edged out Ellie Cockram, aboard Hedlander Boy (rails), with Lucy Warwick (centre), a whisker away, in third place, on Ready to Fire.

26 April 2016



History

MONUMENTS, MEMORY AND A NATIONAL DAY

In a speech to the WA Legislative Council on 17 May 1995, Ross Lightfoot declared that his national day was Anzac day, not Australia Day.
I suspect that his view is a widespread one.
 Why? because the history of our national memory is hard to separate from the history of patriotism.
Australia Day, despite some Aboriginal assertions about being an invasion, was ‘an event for officials, a day for the bureaucracy,’ to quote historian Geoffrey Blainey. There was nothing heroic about a dumping ground for convicts, nor the way they were treated and it has not appealed to the minority.
In contrast Anzac Day, an event 101 years ago and one being commemorated for the 100th time this year, marked the arrival of a fledgling teenage nation in the pantheon of nations: a participant on the world stage in dramatic and perilous circumstances; a blood ritual where the new nation in the best traditions of Abraham offered up its sons as sacrifice –and on this occasion the offer was accepted.
The national memory is epitomised by not only the national Australian War Memorial, in Canberra, but also by scores of obelisks monuments in countless cities, small towns and even ghost towns.
There like a ghostly sentinel the Australian dead are honoured with ritual inscriptions. These are edifices to the national memory. Anzac Day ceremonies, and speeches follow as surely as night follows day.
All these things are bridge between history and the patriotism of national memory.
But why of all the battles Australia fought has the Gallipoli campaign been the one that has so captured the imagination? It was a not a military success but at rather an orderly withdrawal, albeit it one carried out superbly without loss of life.
History informs us why this campaign endures in memory while the earlier South African War –the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902- became the forgotten war?
Historian Annette Hamilton says it was because the South African war became unpopular as it was a war against farmers and their families; a war where 28,000 Boer women and children died in British concentration camps. Because of this there was a wish to repress the originating moment of the jingoism that erupted from the political machinations of British Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain and his Governor at the Cape Alfred Milner, against the legitimate Boer governments of the ZAR (Transvaal) and Orange Free State.
That view was argued at the time by Professor George Arnold Wood a severe critic of Australian colonies involvement in the South African War. Wood said it  was a war “of cowardly revenge and ignoble greed and one that would eventually bring infamy on the English name.”
It was also a war that was dwarfed by the Great War only 12 years later.
 But when Hamilton talks about Gallipoli as a heroic failure she surely goes too far because as Professor Geoffrey Blainey noted “Gallipoli  became an Australian landmark long before it could be interpreted in any sense as a failure or defeat.”
For Blainey the positives rather than the negatives “enthralled” the nation from the start. The withdrawal from the beachfront after eight months and 8,000 dead was not a failure but an impressive draw played out on the enemy’s home ground, to use a cricketing expression.
He has a point: this was not a defeated army swept of the beach but the fighting had reached a stalemate and the withdrawal was a remarkable example of deception and precision.
Surely if Australians hungered to honour a defeat then the fall of Singapore in February 1942 (WW2) would have fed the national psyche in that regard?
So what has inculcated Gallipoli into the national memory? Well Blainey’s talk about impressive draws on enemy soil is obviously one factor; but also Australians were keen to play a role on the world stage; to help open the sea supply routes to ensure Russia could stay in the War against Germany; to knock Turkey out of the war and the German alliance.
Australian aspirations were aided and abetted by distinguished British war correspondent Ellis Ashmead-Bartlett, who had covered the Japanese-Russian conflict of 1904 and the Italian-Turkish conflict of 1911.
According to him Australia “was a race of athletes” and their landing at Gallipoli “no finer feat in this war.”
Australia was thus in the big league, in a major theatre of war, instead of just taking the German outpost of New Guinea German, as we did at the start of the  Great War. So the Digger legend was fired up by positive reporting, by not only the London war correspondent but also by Australian war correspondent-historian Charles Bean, and PM Billy Hughes.
If the Anzacs had been routed instantly then Gallipoli would have been a cause for shame and embarrassment like Singapore became 27 years later?
In fact the reason the AWM was built in Canberra, (during the second war), was because of the pride Australia felt for their contributions in the First World War.
And in that Great War of 1914-18, Gallipoli, of course, only signified the initial phase-it became the generic model for Australia in that war and subsequent conflicts where Australian arms won some great victories.
Monash’s great planned victory at Hamel would later earn accolades from no lesser a British General Sir Bernard Montgomery (of WW2 fame) who called him the greatest general in the First war. Monash planned to take Hamel in 90 minutes in a coordinated strike by artillery, tanks and infantry –it took just 3 minutes longer but in a war where months went by with little gained- apart from massive casualties- here was a different general. He was knighted by George V on the battlefield the first time that had happened for 100 years –and the last time.
But If I could pick just one triumph for the Australian profession of arms then it would be the great charge at Beersheba by the Light Horse, one that enhanced Australia’s military reputation, mightily.
The Australian army did what no other Western Army had done since 1099 when in the First crusade the holy city was taken off the Muslims who had taken it by force in 637.
Unfortunately, the Christians lost it again to Saladin’s hordes in 1187 and in a story that resonates today saw all churches demolished, plundered or turned into stables and granaries.
The 800 Lighthorsemen that charged Turkish guns at Beersheba on 31 October 1917 galloped into history. Described as madmen by the German commander of the Turkish forces the desert charge captured the strategic town of Beersheba –the well of the oath. This was the well that provided water to Abraham, Moses and David. To get there they had to march across days through the waterless Sinai Desert. 50,000 British infantry with tank support had been driven back into the by the defenders.
The Light Horse under Gen. Sir Harry Chauvel had to succeed or perish and 400,000 gallons of water were needed for the men and horses. Where others had failed, including Napoleon, the Light horse prevailed. Centuries of Moslem rule was about to end as this crucial victory presaged the fall of Jerusalem and Damascus to the Allies.it would ultimately lead to the existence of the State of Israel in 1948.
That is why in 2008 the Governor-General of Australia and the President of Israel honoured the Light Horse with a park in their name at Beersheba.
The Great War was thus seen as a just war and Australians were proud of their involvement.
In 1993 the Australian nation honoured the return of the unknown soldier-known only to God- from a French war grave at Villers - Brettoneaux (plot 3, row M, grave number 13). He was one of 45,000 killed on the Western Front or one of 60,000 Australians that perished in all theatres of that war.
For many years (1941-93) the AWM was lacking a centre piece. A six feet statue of a generic serviceman would be replaced with the remains of an unknown warrior. Here we contrasted with South Africa.
There was no such agonising there. Right from its inception the Voortrekker Monument’s cenotaph, of the murdered Voortrekker leader, Piet Retief, was the centre piece in Pretoria.
So finally the long years of waiting to have the appropriate feature point in the AWM was over. As an old war vet Robert Coombs shuffled forward to sprinkle some Pozieres soil on the returned soldier he simply said:”Now you are home, mate.”
The words, and the moment, encapsulated a nation’s thoughts. Not even Prime Minister Keating’s fine speech, earlier, could better the words of Mr Coombs, then, one of our last survivors of WW1.

PERSONAL MEMORIES
So our shrines and ceremonies are a bridge that unites history with memory- both personal and national.
National memory incorporates millions of personal or family memories.
When I think of Anzac Day I think of people close to me.
A  loved grandfather, Pat Crosse.  Pop spent four of his years on the Western Front and he was the most loving and well adjusted man after spending his youth in Hell; ditto for a much loved grand uncle; Cecil, gassed on the Western front and who twice stood for the federal Parliament in the seat of Forrest in the 1930’s
I think of my father, long before he became my father, who was bombed in Darwin. He was the only survivor of a jeep containing five soldiers. When he regained consciousness he had the head of one of those companions in his lap-minus the body.
I think too of Roy Roberts, the man who taught me to swim as a pre-schooler. Roy was a Japanese POW. He was on HMAS Perth which, with the USS Houston, went down with all guns blazing, against a Japanese armada in the Sunda Strait, March 1 1942, in what is now Indonesian waters.
In fact, I tracked Roy down in his Darlington home in October 2010. He was then one of only four HMAS Perth survivors. He died the following April.
Then of course there is Keith Roediger, a distinguished night fighter pilot for the RAF, now in his mid–nineties and his brother. He was described in Air Power over Europe, by author John Herington, as an outstanding pilot. His brother Eric (106),* a prisoner of the Japs and in Tokyo when the A Bombs were dropped, is still alive as I speak.
Both are strong Christians and Keith was recording Christian songs well into his 80’s as well as writing a book. Keith was my church elder for almost 11 years at the Church of Christ,York.
I had both of the brothers to ANZAC Day ceremonies at Carmel College in 2009, as guest speakers. Claude, the middle brother, had died by that stage.
In 1944 Keith was playing cricket against Sussex. They turned out in creams, the airmen in Khaki. They made 176 and the Aussie airmen 4/190. Keith made 48. As they were playing a huge air armada swept over head. D Day was on. It was June 6, 1944.
When I think of Keith I recall the words that King George VI used to address the Commonwealth, at Christmas 1939. Quoting from the words of poet, Minnie Louise Haskins, the King spoke thus-
And I said to the man who stood at the gate of the year: ‘Give me light that I might tread into the unknown.’ And he replied, Go out into the darkness and put your hand into the hand of God: that shall be to you than light and safer than a known way.”
As a night fighter pilot Keith Roediger often went into the dark on gut-wrenching work but the King need not have bothered about his pilot. His inspiration was Isaiah 51:12 (I am he who comforts you, who are you that you should fear mortal man?)
Keith had, in fact, put his hand into God’s, five years earlier,aged 13.
It is surely ironic that of all the failed political pacts of the 1930’s, the pact that Keith made with his Maker, in that era, still endures and has provided this great man and warrior with a lifetime of peace.
They are some of my personal memories when I think of Anzac Day-a very small part of the national memory.

Footnote:  *Eric Roediger (106) died in October 2016. I was at his funeral.

24 January 2016



History/Politics
THE NEW BOER WAR

The South African election of 1994 was supposed to usher in a new era of tolerance, a rainbow nation, free from the Apartheid past.
Instead the end of the 20th century was like the start of it for the White Tribe of South Africa but instead of the British lauding it over them it was the black nationalists of the ANC.
Just as the concentration camp policy of Lord Kitchener resulted in the deaths of 28,000 Boer women and children, in the third phase of the Anglo Boer War (1899-1902) so too has there been the same callous and criminal disregard by the present South African government. While history never exactly repeats it is again noticeable that the modern day Boers (farmers), or Afrikaners , are bearing the brunt of neglect, and worse.
The ANC has had 22 years in government, complete with a thumping parliamentary majority, to get things right and they have failed abysmally, particularly in race relations and their attitude towards white South Africans.
The critics of the actions of successive white South African governments from 1910-94, and particularly after 1948, have nothing to boast about, unless exacting revenge is now considered a political achievement.
In the ANC period of governance 85,000 whites have been murdered while scores more have been raped, robbed and tortured.
As the international liberal website Genocide Watch notes, ‘on average about 50 people per day are murdered in South Africa of which 20 are white.’
So given that there are more blacks killed why should there be special concern for whites? Because whites constitute only nine per cent of the population (4.5m) and 95 per cent of white victims are murdered by blacks. In addition there have been some 5000 members of farming families murdered on the ANC’s watch, many of them by hideous cruelty.
Just as ‘black lives matter,’ to coin a current phrase in the US, so do white lives in South Africa. There the minority are in a far worse situation than American blacks.
That comment is not politically correct, of course, just correct.
The lame-stream media concentrates on fripperies, such as Whoopi Goldberg’s concerns that black actors are not being nominated for Oscar awards, while the racist murders of white South Africans, by lawless black thugs, is somehow deemed too sensitive a matter to comment on. Since 2007 the RSA government has covered up statistics on ethnic based killings.
When the State President Jacob Zuma sings a song, that includes a line ‘Kill the Boer,’ he should have been buried under an avalanche of international condemnation and odium, particularly as a South African judge had decreed the singing of such a song was a hate crime.
According to Dr Greg Stanton, foundation president of Genocide Watch, Zuma should have been impeached for that and also for corruption.  Likewise, for the Marxist, overweight political ratbag, Julius Malema, who has said whites should be treated as criminals for stealing black land. According to Stanton he should have been put on trial for incitement to commit genocide.
The silence was deafening in both cases except for Malema’s rabid followers on Facebook who demand that all whites must pack up and go. Just where they should go is not stated.
The whites have been in South Africa since Jan van Riebeeck landed at the Cape on 6 April 1652 to provide a refreshment station for Dutch ships en route to the Dutch East Indies (Indonesia today). The English were later arrivals.
When the trekboers, and later and more significantly, the Voortrekkers pressed into the wilderness they had as much right to be there as the Zulu who had invaded the territory earlier and engaged in the Mfecane (crushing) of other black African groups.
At the Ncome River (Blood River), on 16 December 1838, less than 500 Voortrekkers faced a Zulu Army of between 12000-15000 (maybe more) but their well knit laager (circled wagons) and firepower ensured an epic victory. The Afrikaners had only three of their numbered wounded and one of those was their military leader Andries Pretorious (thumb). The Zulus lost 3000 and the survival of the Boers, in the hinterland, was established.
Originally known as Dingaan’s Day the date became established as the Day of the Vow where Afrikaners gave thanks to God for answering their prayers-a South African version of Thanksgiving . The ANC have since changed the name to Reconciliation Day.
Just think, how would Australians like it if our most sacred day –Anzac day- and Australia Day were changed to Reconciliation Day to accommodate Turkish and Aboriginal sensitivities, respectively?
In the Great War 3125 South African troops entered Delville Wood, France. Only 143 exited. Should that great monument in France be pulled down because the Union of South African soldiers were white or because some Afrikaners, of the time, were opposed to fighting for the British? That would be nonsense and so is stripping Afrikaners of their history and culture.
History and monuments are important and should not be changed by the whim and will of some transient political majority or opponents.
To add insult to injury the ANC honours murderers. Two days before Christmas 1985 the bombing of Amanzimtoti shopping mall claimed the lives of Christmas shoppers. It was placed there by a murderous criminal, Andrew Zondo.
In 2010 he was honoured by the ANC by having the main street of the area named after him. The ANC Youth League wanted the whole of Amanzimtoti , south of Durban, renamed in his honour. This is called rubbing peoples noses in it! It is certainly not true reconciliation and Zondo belongs in the Horst Wessel category of ‘national hero’ and his deeds are an African version of Kristallnacht.
Not surprisingly, the SA human rights organisation, Afriforum, put signs up describing it as the ‘Murderers Street.’
Anyone who is responsible for the deaths of innocent women and children does not deserve accolades, only odium. It is why this writer has always described Lord Kitchener as a war criminal because he failed in his duty of care in the South African War.
South Africa must also be the only country in the world that insists on quotas, in favour of the majority, when it comes to the selection of national sporting teams like cricket and rugby.
Race based selection was the reason that the great Springbok cricket sides of 1963-70 period were excluded for a generation, (see my blog, Precious, Boofheads and Some Real Racists). The nonsense of political correctness and arrogance is thus amply illustrated by international anti-white bigots by their deafening silence to this blatant piece of social engineering. The best sporting side should always be selected and the SA Cricket Board should adhere to that basic fact.
There is plenty of fault to be found with Afrikaners, and the South Africa of past years, but It is hard to disagree with Dan Roodt, an Afrikaner intellectual, who asks a simple question of international readers: If you think that our voice and our unique testimony should be heard and that we do not deserve to be eradicated from our own country (then) we ask humbly for your support in our struggle for dignity, equality and fair treatment from the black majority……For us to be able to survive in the long term requires, like all other people, that we achieve autonomy.
Roodt’s plea for autonomy is interesting and has been an integral part of Afrikaner nationalism from the beginning.
In March 1994 I was in the RSA just prior to the election of Mandela as president when the writing was well and truly on the wall for FW de Klerk and the Nationalists who had been in power since 1948.
In most countries of the word liberals argue for the rights of minorities to be different and to where possible have their own governing institutions. Conservatives generally argue that minorities should fit in and be like everyone else.
In South Africa it is different. There, conservative blacks and whites insist on group rights and a federalist system of government.  SA liberals and Marxists see such autonomy as beyond the pale.
In the run-up to the seminal national election the destruction of Lucas Mangope’s homeland government of Bophuthatswana dealt a major blow to the conservative multi-racial Freedom Alliance which was campaigning for a decentralised system of government. Two other black homelands Ciskei and Qwa Qwa saw which way the political breeze was blowing and became latter day hensoppers (hands-uppers), to coin an old Anglo-Boer war term for surrender.
Mangope’s fall ended the hopes of a confederation of Tswanas, Afrikaners, and Zulus across the northern part of South Africa with their own homelands.
Yet, somehow the demands of multiculturalists today, for more autonomy for minorities (think Muslims in the West) never extends to the Afrikaner.
 However, it has to be admitted that Dr H.F. Verwoerd (PM 1958-66) failed  to appropriately fund his separate development scheme when he was at the helm.
The Tomlinson Commission, led by Professor F.R. Tomlinson, submitted a report in October 1954 that said separate development could only be realised if the full scale development of black areas was undertaken. The Tomlinson Report advocated some R 200m be set aside over the ensuing decade. In 1956 the Strijdom Government set aside R7m as an initial amount but then failed to give anything the following year. When Verwoerd became PM he was not prepared to allow private white capital to be used in the homelands because he claimed it would lead to economic imperialism and exploitation.
Tomlinson also advocated that tribal ownership be done away with and freehold tenure replace the collective. That idea too was still born.  
Verwoerd, conscious of a white taxpayer backlash, thus strangled effective ‘separate development.’
The battle for the taal (Afrikaans language) is the other battle that may face Afrikanerdom.
The citadel of the Afrikaans taal has been Stellenbosch University but now the language is under attack, even there.
It surely is somewhat ironic that Edwin Hertzog speaks about the need for language pragmatism, financial constraints and the unaffordable loss of students if Afrikaans remained as the exclusive language of the university.
His famous namesake J.B.M. (Barry) Hertzog (PM 1924-39), early in his political career, forsook a ministerial career to fight for, and ensure, the dual stream language policy of the then Union of South Africa.
Interestingly, the first two black presidents, Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki, both considered there was ‘room at the inn’ for Afrikaans speaking universities. As Mandela said in 1996, in a country with 20 universities at least one should be reserved for that taal.
A report to the Mbeki Government in 2001 suggested at least two universities should see Afrikaans as the primary language of instruction and given that until the mid-1980s there were six such universities, the above comments are hardly outrageous.
Thus the future of Afrikaans, as a national language, remains under threat-and yet more blacks, coloureds and Indians speak it at home the language than do whites.
A 2013 study by the SA Institute of Race Relations determined that of the 6.9 million Afrikaans  home speakers 2.7m were white with the majority coming from the other racial groups.
In summary, while some of these battles for cultural relevance must be decided by South Africans alone the murder of SA farmers deserves to be an international cause célèbre.
Just as the Boers did not deserve to be herded into concentration camps during the Anglo-Boer War, Afrikaners do not deserve to be butchered on their farms today.
This matter cannot be ignored by Western governments.